DEVELOPMENTS. Review Essay – Ernst Forsthoff and the Intellectual. History of German Administrative Law. By Florian Meinel*. [Christian Schütte, Progressive. Briefwechsel Ernst Forsthoff – Carl Schmitt (German Edition) Jun 04, by Angela Reinthal, Reinhard Mußgnug, Dorothee Mußgnug. Request PDF on ResearchGate | On Jan 1, , Florian Meinel and others published Review Essay – Ernst Forsthoff and the Intellectual History of German.

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The exclusive criterion is the concrete decision of the state over what is public and what private. Forsthoff’s work on the role of the administration as a non- political actor implicitly exposed Nazi interventions as invasive and destabilizing, though of course Forsthoff refrained from making that point explicitly.

Science Logic and Mathematics. Erst, Forsthoff stated that he had initially pinned “high hopes on National Socialism” and had a positive relationship to the movement, but by had “seen his error and from a supporter became a determined opponent.

Apparently aware of his inability to resolve it, he stated, second: Amazon Renewed Refurbished products with a warranty. Gerhart Niemeyer, 6th ed.

Sandra Eckert, Ernst Forsthoff – PhilPapers

So far, Forsthoff presented a radical position not far removed from that of Karl Barth, but not forsfhoff right radical. The judge would not be the mouth of the law, in Montesquieu’s words, but rather the voice “through which the legal consciousness of the Volk speaks.

It is rather to indicate what Forsthoff saw in him. Hermann Heller’s use of Schmitt before he became a professor at Frankfurt is proof of that. First, Hitler’s polity tended to destroy exactly that part of erbst state that Forsthoff held up as essential to the modern industrial society, and indeed to public order: Wichern, Der Fall Carl Schmitt: But if racial unity preceded political decision, then such a position would be incomprehensible.

Ernst Forsthoff in Frankfurt | Peter C. Caldwell –

Nationalist students demanded that Dehn no longer be considered for the 54On race, for example, see Hermann Heller, Staatslehre, ed. Inhowever, Forsthoff made the leap. He offered a historical narrative and political analysis of the inevitable instability of liberal democracy, and the threat it posed to order, a history that paralleled the grand reactionary narratives of Joseph de Maistre and others of the nineteenth forstoff, updating them for the cynical mood of post-war Germany.


The removal of professors, especially those of Jewish descent, paralyzed Frankfurt University–and was accepted passively by most of those scholars who remained. The loss of unquestioned, transcendent foundations transformed efnst itself.

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With these issues in mind, the present essay seeks to answer two questions. Afterseveral themes began to develop that would play into the next, more politicized phase of ernnst scholarship. As Forsthoff argued, “Luther completely ripped apart the connection between earthly kingdom and divine commandment. Already inaccording to Reinhard Mehring, Schmitt referred to Ernst Forsthoff as a “hideous man” scheusslicher Kerl.

Manfred Gailus and Wolfgang Krogel Berling: Amazon Rapids Fun stories for kids on the go. Not only did he support the dictatorship; not only did he endorse the anti-Semitic measures of the first years hardly a surprise given his upbringing in a nationalist, conservative, Protestant family. The Gleichschaltung of religious organizations represented a victory for Forsthoff’s image of a regenerated state.

Forsthoff”Politische Geschichtsschreibung ohne Staatsidee? The “political,” Schmitt argued in faux Kantian terms, had its foundation in the distinction between friend and enemy, a distinction that furthered internal unity.

By implication, the “state,” as a public thing, was to be an arena where plans and motives become public and known, rather then concealed. Ernst Forsthoff as Activist At the beginning ofErnst Forsthoff was in Freiburg, where he had recently completed his Habilitationsschrift under the direction of Fritz Marschall von Bieberstein.

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Monthly downloads Sorry, there are not enough data points to plot this chart. But the principle of hope remained for a reborn sovereign authority capable of setting limits to industrial capitalism and to a technological development that to fforsthoff had ceased being under human control. His student Karl Doehring, for example, states that the Republic had descended into a chaos of thirty parties, where the only alternatives left were communist dictatorship, military dictatorship, or National Socialism; Forsthoff, on Doehring’s interpretation, believed that the Nazi success signaled the “possibility of restoring conditions commensurate with human dignity.


Forsthoff did not find any tragedy forsthof the judgment against the officers—he did not, in other words, suggest that they owed allegiance to a party rather than to the state. The homogeneity of that community, meanwhile, remained in Forsthoff as in Schmitt before unclear indeed, its different aspects—language, history, culture, race—are the same ones that Forsthoff’s predecessor at Frankfurt, Hermann Heller, would identify–though with a care, precision, and sharp analysis that are missing in Forsthoff’s account.

His positions on Protestantism in the new regime, on the municipalities, and on the judiciary show important shifts from earlier positions.

In short, Carl Schmitt’s “qualitative social state” forsyhoff assumed real form. Forsthoff was a leading author of the Constitution of Cyprus and was president of the Supreme Constitutional Court of Cyprus from to But, as in his work on legal institutions, Forsthoff was more precise and gorsthoff than was Schmitt: Such a renst would, however, have brought consequences for a young man with a young family. They were found guilty of high treason.

Therefore, Forsthoff stated, Jewish judges could only be tolerated as a transitional phenomenon. Festschrift for Ernst von Glasersfeld. Ewald Grothe, Zwischen Geschichte und Recht: Meinel has more than anyone else reconstructed Forsthoff’s community of conservative intellectuals, which was not homogenous.

The analysis was complex and astute; Forsthoff did indeed pinpoint a major structural change that went beyond the exigencies of wartime. This page was last edited on 9 Juneat One way out of the difficulty might have been to follow Mussolini’s forstohff of stating frankly that the leader creates the nation, and that the state embodies a spiritual realm that gives form to the masses.

He agreed, of course, with their condemnations of Dibelius, whose discussion of just war raised the possibility of an unjust German war.